The bashing suffered by Ms. Mocha Uson from netizens who derided her supposed “appointment” as a social media consultant for the Bureau of Customs under Commissioner Nick Faeldon are most unfair. The unfairness of it all borders on prejudice against those perceived to be “low-class,” as if a caste system prevails in this country.
Uson, who along with her group of dancers performed in the Duterte-Cayetano rallies for free, is being excoriated for volunteering to bring to the attention of the BoC complaints by harried balikbayan-box shippers, mostly overseas Filipino workers. Some netizens, perhaps trolls unleashed by Duterte haters, questioned her appointment by Faeldon. Both she and Faeldon disclaimed any official appointment. She offered to help by posting in her well-read blog complaints from OFWs, and Faeldon graciously accepted. What is wrong with that?
Is being a “sexy” dancer anathema in this country? Does such a profession bring stigma to anyone? Why then do we allow our children to dance on television shows, with moms so proud of the terpsichorean, if completely Western talents, of their kids?
The same brouhaha came about when netizens, even mainstream media, questioned the possible appointment of Freddie Aguilar to chair the National Commission for Culture and the Arts. Again, whatever is so wrong with that? Has not the artist brought international acclaim to original Pilipino music? Must our concept of “culture” be confined to those who have schooled abroad in the arts, or those who claim to appreciate “la belle vie”? Why must we exclude the “masa” from art and culture appreciation, as if only the “effete nabobs” of elitism deserve to be in the pantheons of culture?
They even questioned the appointment of the Philippine Amusement and Gaming Corp. of an assistant vice president for entertainment, Jimmy Bondoc, and made it appear that this was a presidential appointment. Bondoc, who finished at the Ateneo, incidentally (not as if that is eminent qualification, but just to put the hypocrites in proper place), was appointed by the Pagcor board to be in charge of selecting musical and other talents who regularly provide entertainment in their casinos. You need a doctorate for that? Besides, many of those who perform as Pagcor entertainers complain about their being underpaid by “agents” who are under the cabal of some Pagcor people. Pati ba naman yun pinagkakakitaan?
Jimmy was one of a group of dedicated musicians, including Njell, Luke Mejares, Thor, and others too many for me to remember as I write in an instant, who performed all over the country, gratis et amore, the “amore” being love of country fueled by a raging desire for change. Jimmy’s “Takbo,” performed by some of the country’s finest pop artists who volunteered, was one of the emotional reasons that persuaded Duterte to finally take a plunge into the presidency.
Ditto for Arnel Ignacio, whom the Pagcor board tasked to be in charge of its community assistance programs. Should we excoriate such an appointment simply because Arnel is just a “comedian?”
Come on. Be fair. Change means changing bad attitudes. Change means throwing a misplaced sense of elitism into the dustbin as well.
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The recent Pulse Asia survey which showed that 44 percent of the respondents are not in favor of charter change “at this time” should not be a cause for worry among the proponents of systems change. That 37 percent are in favor and 19 percent are undecided gives enough comfort for pushing constitutional revision, contrary to what the “nattering nabobs of negativism” (these quotes from the late unlamented US Vice President Spiro Agnew) would want to paint as public resistance to revising the 1987 Cory Constitution.
With only 27 percent of Filipinos claiming to know much or enough about the Constitution, and 73 percent hardly understanding what the Constitution is all about, all that is needed to marshal public support is a well-crafted and properly implemented communications effort.
Which brings to mind an effort during the Estrada administration to revise the Constitution, but “only its economic provisions” that impinge on foreign capital entering the country, particularly the restriction on ownership of public utilities including media, and restrictions on land ownership.
Earlier, when we were sounded out by then President Estrada as his presidential adviser on political affairs, we said we better revise, rather than amend, to include other provisions including the political. But the president pushed only for amending the economic provisions.
The instant surveys in August of 1998 showed high public disapproval, especially after former President Cory, Cardinal Sin, and the yellow clique in the politico-economic oligarchy weighed against it. The numbers were two-thirds against amending the economic provisions.
I proposed that we launch a communications campaign to inform the public. I was given charge of arranging for cabinet and sub-cabinet officials to move around the country, speak to congregations, hold press conferences, all as part of a communications effort. Another group bought full-page advertisements in print media, and engaged media practitioners to support the drive.
By December of 1998, we were turning the tide. The number of those against constitutional amendments had been brought down to 58 percent in our internal surveys. Just a little more push, I thought.
Then, in mid-January, we were all surprised by the president’s announcement that he was giving up on his attempt to relax the restrictive economic provisions. That evening, just before our usual Malacanang dinner, I asked the president why: “Bakit po kayo umatras?”
“E sobra ang opposition ng mga pari at obispo [There is too much opposition from the priests and the bishops],” he candidly replied, in fine saying the effort was costing him too much political capital.
“Ang problema, Mr. President, umatras kayo. Yung mga kalaban ninyo, tatandaan ‘yan. Kasi maski anong gawin ninyong panunuyo sa kanila, kalaban na ninyo ang mga ‘yan. [The problem, Mr. President, is that you backed down. Your opponents will remember that. However you try to win them over, they will never be your allies]. They are not appeased; they are just emboldened,” I responded.
To which he did not react, other than giving me a pained, even reprobating look.
A year and a half later, after Chavit Singson exploded his bomb, as in a carefully planned and orchestrated cacophony, the kalaban I adverted to before, came back with full force—and succeeded in ousting a duly elected President through means unfair if not foul.